Saturday, 14 November 2009

Applications to Country Programs Against Corruption

A campaign against corruption must go beyond words, indeed beyond new laws. Institutional adjustment is needed to limit the scope of corruption (and more generally, to enhance efficiency).

A rough formula holds: we will tend to have corruption when there is monopoly plus discretion minus accountability. Therefore, by "structural reforms" we mean actions that:

• Limit monopoly: promote competition in the public and private sectors, avoid monopoly-granting regulations when possible (especially exchange controls and quantitative restrictions on imports), open the economy to international competition, and so forth.

• Clarify official discretion: simplify rules and regulations via "bright lines," help citizens learn the way the system is supposed to work (through brochures and manuals, help desks, laws and rules in ordinary language, publicity campaigns, the use of citizen service-providers, etc.), improve oversight of officials' actions, and so forth.

• Enhance accountability and transparency: private-sector involvement in many ways, including citizen oversight boards, hot lines, ombudsmen, inquiry commissions, etc.; the systematic generation and dissemination of information about public service effectiveness; external audits; self-policing by the private sector; clear standards of conduct and rules of the game; greater competition and openness in bidding, grant-giving, and aid projects.

Institutional adjustment builds on the insight that systems are corrupt, not just people. Corruption is a label covering many different phenomena, and within each category of corrupt activities are many questions of degree. The beginning of wisdom in an anti-corruption effort is to disaggregate.

It is impossible to avoid ethical questions when one speaks of corruption. And yet, this is what successful reforms must try to do. They must focus on corruption as a crime of economic calculation. They must analyze systems rather than condemn individuals, understanding the formula corruption = monopoly + discretion - accountability.

Not all kinds of corruption are equally harmful or equally easy to prevent. It is important to combine economic analysis with political assessment and ask, "What kinds of corruption hurt the most, and whom? What ways of fighting corruption are most effective, and what are the direct and indirect costs?"

In the case of one African country, there is evidence of corruption in several sectors: tax and customs bureaus, the state peanut, the development bank, and perhaps in social services like education. Several donors have made much of the foregone revenues due to inefficiency and probably bribery in customs and taxes. But before we equate foregone revenue to social costs, we must ask who gets the money that is now foregone and how they are spending it. The foregone revenue does not disappear from the face of the earth, nor perhaps even from the country in question. There are redistribution effects, most likely undesirable ones. But as old "revisionist" writers on corruption used to say, perhaps the most dynamic economic elements of the society are those who benefit from this kind of corruption, leading to more economic dynamism.

We must also investigate the extent to which various kinds of corruption "block" economic activity, or in contrast the extent to which there a "market price" with low transactions costs and low uncertainty. Sometimes a corrupt equilibrium has long delays, sometimes what looks like bureaucratic efficiency.

We should focus on the external support and incentives generated by corrupt activities of various kinds, not the amounts of money that changes hands. As they used to say of government officials in Mexico, "They waste a million to save a thousand." Of particular importance is corruption that undercuts financial and banking systems or systems of justice. The external support can be huge here. A corruption activity leads to policy distortions.

For political reasons, it is good to begin an anti-corruption campaign where citizens perceive it to be most evident and most annoying, or where the political leadership has given a field particular salience, or one believes that corruption is undercutting economic reform.

Anti-Corruption Strategies

Anti-corruption strategies must go beyond blanket condemnations. Privately, at least, one must be very shrewd about where to begin and how. One must involve local people in the analysis of the costs and benefits of various kinds of corruption in international business transactions in the country in question. When deciding what to do first, one must keep in mind the need to begin with a quick success, and then attack areas with highest benefit-cost ratios.

An anti-corruption effort should not try to do too many things at once, but to launch a campaign that tries to break the culture of corruption. (1 will discuss the principle of the big fish in a moment.)

In short, then, a generic model for a country program would include:

• Participatory diagnoses by local people of the problems, their extent, and their causes (more on how to do this below);

• A combination of a system of structural reforms carefully sequenced with a politically powerful message and some early successes to gain credibility;

• Which areas first: where the public perceives the problem (e.g., extortion in Philippines; licensing bureau in Venezuela; police and courts in many countries); where the economic costs the greatest (actions that distort policies as opposed to who gets a specific contract); where easiest to make a difference in the benefit-cost sense;

• Getting big fish (many ways to get). Illicit wealth as criteria. People know who is corrupt, yet most charges are false in public hot lines etc. Has to be within the ruling party or not credible;

• Reforms of incentives (first the easy ones revenue-raising areas), then systematic reforms beginning with objectives, on to measures, and finally to pay-performance links; and

• Greater transparency.

Denouncing and prosecuting a few big-time perpetrators of bribery, extortion, smuggling, tax evasion, and other illicit activities. But to learn this lesson from recent international experience, people must also learn one more: successful campaigns against corruption do not stop with denunciations. They go beyond the prosecution of individuals to the systematic reform of information and incentives in both the public and private sectors.

First some examples : Hong Kong used to be awash in corruption. Then in 1973 a new Independent Commission against Corruption was formed. It had new teeth, and new eyes. It possessed powers to investigate suspected offenders and had new means for obtaining information about the wealth of public servants. But despite its powers, at first no one believed that the ICAC would succeed any more than previous efforts to rewrite laws and create investigatory bodies. Credibility came when the ex-police chief of Hong Kong, Peter Godber, was extradited from retirement in England and punished in Hong Kong. The ICAC also nailed the ex-number two and scores of other high-ranking police officials.

To a cynical public and a hardened civil service, frying these big fish sent a credible signal: "The rules of the game really have changed."

Mexico is famously corrupt, but most observers believe that things have improved markedly under President Carlos Salinas de Gortari. He, too, created new capabilities of investigation and enforcement. But his efforts too were originally greeted with disbelief. Had not his predecessor Miguel de la Madrid called for a "renovation " but failed to stem corruption? Salinas did not gain credibility until his enforcers pounced on the notorious head of the Pemex syndicate, on a leading narcotics trafficker, and on three high-powered business people who had fiddled with the Mexican stock exchange. One of the latter was the head of Salinas own campaign in one state. The message: If these big fish can be caught and fried, political impunity is a thing of the past.

Italy recent and unprecedented success in attacking corruption has attracted worldwide attention. The crucial first step was frying a top Mafia official, many top business executives, and several major politicians from the ruling party. This told the public that if they came forward and denounced crime and corruption, they could make a difference.

There are more recent examples of big fish being fried, such as Venezuela, Brazil, Japan. Around the world we are witnessing a transformation as important as the democratic reforms of the 1980s. There is an emerging consensus that democracy without good government is a charade, just as privatization without competition is a charade. The 1990s are becoming the decade of institutional adjustment, meaning the improvement of the institutions through which states and markets function. And the first step in this transformation turns out to require dramatic action against high-level abusers of existing institutions.

Sunday, 8 November 2009

Section 8 and My Rental Agreement

When Congress approved the Housing Act of 1937, put into the legalities was a program created to fund subsidized living arrangements for financially-challenged individuals. Legally recognized as the Housing Choice Voucher program, yet more regularly called Section 8 housing for the reason that this is the section of the Housing Act that made it happen, the program gives government help through the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), but it is in reality doled out through local housing authorities. This will be confirmed on your rental agreement.

Section 8 gives rental monies on behalf of the renter to the building manager. Apartment managers may register for Section 8 by communicating with the local HUD office and informing the agency that they desire to become a receiving building manager. There is not an application needed for the building manager. But, a renter who wants to qualify ought to formally submit an application and reveal that their income is below fifty percent of the average income of the geographic region in which they hope to live.

There are many significant advantages for apartment managers who partake in Section 8:

1. It ensures a consistent onslaught of occupants, which in turn means lower vacancy rates.
2. It gives guaranteed revenue.
3. The monthly rental monies are regular.
4. The building manager is assisting with housing placements within the area.

While the remuneration are obvious, the dangers aren't so clear. The program is the system through which the building manager is getting his money. The dangers to the building manager who take part in Section 8 are equal to renting to any other renter. It is still critically imperative to screen occupants.

The amount of money each month a building manager gets from the housing authority differs from region to region. Every agency will give what it deems to be fair market value based around an evaluation of the location of the apartment building, its size, the types of facilities offered, and the occupant's income. When that evaluation is made, any difference involving that amount and the amount the building manager charges each month is the liability of the renter. Most HUD offices pay between the 1st and seventh of every month. The building manager must collect the Section 8 occupant's share of the rent in the same method as for any other renter.

Any apartment that will be used for the program must be suitably inspected to make sure it is in proper condition to be rented. Once again, the kind of inspection necessary differs based on the local HUD office. In selected situations, the office depends on the area's local code inspection or Certificate of Tenancy inspection, whichever is more suitable. In other circumstances, HUD will send out its own assessor to confirm for things like working electricity and heating/cooling systems, no bad or rotting paint, no leaks in the roofs, no broken windows or doors, and making sure there are fire extinguishers, smoke detectors, and CO2 sensors.

An crucial point to mention is that existing buildings do not need to to be in compliance with the Americans With Disabilities Act (ADA). But, any brand new housing being constructed ought to conform to the laws outlined by the ADA if it is to qualify to be approved Section 8 occupants.

Once the apartment has been rented, the building manager can usually use a regular rental agreement. But there are some HUD offices that make it a requirement for the building manager to use their rental agreement,by and large the same as in any other rental agreement, but with one significant difference.

While a building manager typically has the ability to rent to occupants either yearly or month-to-month, with Section 8 occupants, the building manager can only rent on a yearly basis.

When it comes to the question of security deposits, the building manager can unquestionably request a security deposit.

Raising the rent somewhat more tricky. It depends on a lot of different data, like the address of the property, the quantity of persons in the apartment, area wages, and the kinds of facilities offered. Even when the building manager builds the increase into the rental agreement, HUD may not approve it, making the renter accountable for paying it. Of course, if the apartment is subject to rent stabilization, then the the question of rent increases is subject to those laws.

Just like any rental condition, you are going to find occupants that are going to have to be to be evicted for non-payment of rent, or other lease violations. The eviction procedure is the same, the judge does not assign any different credence to the detail that it is a Section 8 renter that is being delivered an eviction notice.

On a last note, a building manager must make every effort to create a relationship with the local HUD office. If the agent recognizes your name, he will remember you when they have a high-quality renter searching for a rental. Keeping a friendly relationship with the HUD office is a great way of making sure you have a consistent flow of occupants.

Modest Wedding Gowns – 5 Top Tips!

Searching for modest wedding gowns can sometimes cause a Bride stress over what will be appropriate. There is no need to worry as these top 5 tips are guaranteed to put you on the right track of what is to be expected of a modest gown and also clarifies what is not acceptable. Of course much does come down to judgement, but trust your intuition. If there is even a slight question in your mind over whether a certain gowns will be appropriate or not you can be sure it probably is not and you wouldn’t want to give yourself extra worry for nothing. Go for something you feel certain about.

Modest wedding gowns look great on every Bride. There are styles that never go out of fashion and so it is with modest wedding gowns. A Bride does not need to be revealing at all to be perceived as beautiful and in fact every Bride who looks classy and elegant will be admired both by her fiancé and her guests alike.

Modesty in a Bride is especially admired because traditionally wearing white was an indication of a lady’s virginity. Gone are those days now, it seems, as many a Bride is already living with her partner before the wedding day and it is not for others to speculate what goes on behind closed doors anyway! However, the bride who chooses modest wedding gowns is lending her soon to be husband a certain amount of respect by her choice, because her ‘modesty’ signifies to him that she is not attempting to attract other men. That she has chosen him and only him. This is a very subtle indication to him and one that will certainly be acknowledged and respected inwardly if not stated outwardly.

Here are 5 tips to ensure that yours is in fact a modest wedding gown:

1. Stay away from strapless or spaghetti straps. Long sleeves, short sleeves, three quarter and also cap sleeves will be fine.

2. Plunging necklines are definitely out of the question, but if the dress you have your heart set on does happen to have a very low neckline it may be easily remedied by adding some gathered tulle or lace along the edging. Done well, this can in fact enhance the look of the dress immensely as there is really no need to show quite so much cleavage in the first place.

3. Naturally, the hemline should not be short as in mini, but if you do not like a floor length hemline you might wish to go for a tea length wedding dress.

4. Open backed dresses are still considered modest, however use your own judgement or get the opinion of a good friend.

5. It may or may not seem obvious to you, but the color of modest wedding gowns you select must also come within the guidelines of modesty. Nothing too dark, definitely not hot pink, Ferrari red or black! It is however not essential that you wear white and ivory and cream are lovely colors too. Depending of personal and family tradition you may also be able to get away with wearing modest wedding gowns in a wider range of colors